In the Philippine political scene in recent decades, dilawan (literally, “yellow-colored”) has come to refer to a certain set of populist slogans, symbols, and simplified notions that first alluded to certain prominent leaders and events of the anti-Marcos struggle in the 1978-1986 period until the EDSA People’s Power revolt.
(This is not to be confused with the earlier and pejorative dilawan or yellow labor groups in the trade union movement, which were generally seen as anti-worker and pro-management.)
The political dilawans have evolved greatly since then, but the constant reference to the Aquino family (Ninoy, Cory, and increasingly, their children) and their near-mythical role in the final years of the anti-Marcos struggle remain—especially Ninoy’s martyrdom and Cory’s crusade before, during, and after her 1986-1992 presidency.
There’s a long story lurking under this term. But for now, let me just describe very quickly the three generations of dilawan, because they show how the concept has evolved since then.
There’s the first generation, which officially adopted the Yellow color and associated symbols in 1983-85, but actually date back earlier, to 1978. The 1st generation Dilawans were defined more by political alignment rather than organizational affiliation. These comprised a loose alliance of anti-Marcos opposition leaders that rallied around Ninoy and others (not just LP). The alliance took initial shape when Ninoy led the LABAN electoral campaign in 1978, and a more definite expression especially after the Ninoy assassination in 1983.
The 1st generation Dilawans reflected a genuine, grassroots-based groundswell of anti-Marcos activists and sympathizers (mostly middle class) who were not ready to become ND but worked with the Left (mostly ND forces), even as many of their leaders were reactionaries long out of power. For example, the Left was part of and played a big role in the 1978 LABAN campaign and the 1983-84 post-Aquino-murder coalitions such as JAJA and CORD. I mostly liked this bunch of Dilawans, even Doy Laurel and Eva Estrada Kalaw to some degree. They risked and suffered a lot, too. Most were friendly with the Left even after the Bayan Founding Congress walkout.
Then there’s the second generation Dilawans that evolved in 1986-1990. These were of course led by Cory and her most trusted advisers and their base of organizations, which were defined by their support for the Cory government and its key (not all) policies. They were especially united against efforts for a Marcos comeback and the Enrile-Honasan faction’s repeated coup attempts.
The Laurel-NP-UNIDO faction still considered themselves Dilawan even after Cory rejected Doy Laurel as langaw na dapat pitikin (“a fly that should be flicked away”). The quarrels and splits within the Yellow ranks, and one could write an entire book on the 1986-1992 period (with extension up to 1998 or even the early 2000s) to trace these amoeba-like splits and mergers that defined the Yellows of that period.
While Cory was still alive, all yellow factions professed loyalty to her and to People Power—whatever that term meant for them—while actually many were simply looking after their own narrow factional or family interest. Yellow leaders (actually, they were not purely Yellow but straddled the Red-Yellow spectrum) who remained exceptionally consistent and principled, who kept the old flame burning, included the likes of Jose W. Diokno, Lorenzo Tanada, and Don Chino Roces. They held the Left in utmost respect, and vice versa.
There were still many positive things you could say about them. Some of them did good in government, others not so good. But at least they still had that sense of recognizing (if not often heeding) the people’s voice. It was a coup-riddled era, after all, and they had to rely on a modicum or counter-threat of people’s power to fight off the ultra-Right fascists. But the original Dilawan spirit was fading away and being replaced by a synthetic Dilawan brand, a business franchise.
And then they disbanded and went about their different ways, many of them benefiting from the reactionary system and even teaming up with their former rivals in the Marcos camp.
When Gloria Mayhem Arroyo showed her true colors (especially from 2004 onwards), the political spectrum polarized anew. The realignments saw Cory’s Yellows and the Left again on the same side of the fence, more or less. But this time it was different: the relations were more tepid, because the Yellows no longer needed the Left to oust an entrenched dictator. The Yellows simply had to prepare for the next elections in 2010 to reject GMA and her chosen, and hence get themselves back in power.
With politicians wanting to revive the old LP-NP rivalry by rallying around the old trapos (traditional politicians) and harvesting from the other dead and dying political parties, the Dilawan franchise remained small at first. Then Cory died in August 2009, catapulting Noynoy into the limelight as a possible presidential bet.
The Yellows revived under Noynoy’s presidential campaign, tamed their own “Leftists” sporting the name Akbayan, and bloated back to huge proportions—this time officially under the LP banner—when Noynoy won the presidency. And the rest, as the cliche goes, is history.
In this third generation of Dilawan (2009-present), led by the likes of Noynoy and Bam—the next-generation Aquinos—nothing has remained of that old sense of fighting for justice against all odds. The corroding, corrupting dark side of power had done its work. What’s left, especially among the young Dilaw ones, is a false sense of entitlement to nobility, honor, and the decorative blessings of history.
Yes, some of those in the first and second generations are still alive. Occasionally they still emerge from the shadows and bask in the obligatory February celebrations. But it’s all ritualized now. Those among them who realize the failures, the betrayals, the lost opportunities, and the painful lessons of EDSA, have been trying to pass the torches to the third generation.
But the torches have all but flickered out.
Younger generations are picking them up, that’s true.
But guess what. These younger generations no longer answer to the Yellow call. They no longer see EDSA and February as something so sacred, so pure and noble and unassailable, that they see no other alternatives.
They are keeping the torches alive. But they are also carrying flags of a different color.
Our people have come a long way.
And that’s good. # Follow @junverzola